YOUR PEOPLE ARE KILLING MY PEOPLE - MUHAMMAD BUHARI, THE RESPONSE.

"Before I thank you for this visit, you have come to tell me something. I also want to tell you something and that something is to make an appeal. General Buhari has been a former Head of State, Brigadier Marwa has governed Lagos for some time and with credibility… so you are national leaders of this country. Even though, by accident of birth, you are from the North, you can be born anywhere; may be next time when I am coming to the world, I will be born in the North or the South-South. My appeal will be that effort must be made to unite this country and that will be in the best interest of all Nigerians." 

"I am appealing to the Arewa Consultative Forum, under which auspices our distinguished Nigerians are here; in recent times, they have been sending wrong signals to a number of us who believe in the unity and peace of Nigeria; you have been too critical of the efforts of the Federal Government. I am saying this because Nigeria, at this point, cannot afford to break and the words you northern leaders utter are very weighty, at the South here, we normally analyze them critically." 

"From what they have written in the petition, this government is completely blameless because we don’t interfere either with the judiciary or with the police functions. I always preach peaceful co-existence in Oyo State and Nigeria as a whole. We are all Nigerians and that is what we have been preaching all along and we shall continue to be Nigerians, no matter the present or immediate problems which will be solved by the grace of Allah. I want to say also that we really have to appeal to our people, the itinerant Bororo people, that they should observe less aggression. It is not good, it is not right just coming from somewhere then you just pass through farm lands cultivated may be with the person’s life savings and then over night everything is gone. That is not right, even Allah does not approve of that." 

"We even wonder when they talk about this people carrying dangerous weapons, I say do they really believe in Allah? When you just take life like that and go away! Are we not forbidden not to take human life? So I think General Buhari, General Marwa, you have to be educating them… It is my pleasure to inform you that at the Presidential Lodge, we have made some arrangements for refreshments so that before you go we can refresh together.” - Oyo State Governor Lam Adesina. 

Icheoku says the response by then Oyo State Governor Lam Adesina to then citizen Muhammadu Buhari led team of Northern Nigerian Fulanis, who came for an explanation over a clash between Fulani cattle rearing terrorists and local farmers of Oyo State. Some of the Fulani invaders lost their lives in the fight and Muhammadu Buhari had come to find out why Lam Adesina's people of Oyo State killed his cattle rearing terrorists Fulanis. Muhammadu Buhari also demanded to know why the governor did not influence the outcome of the judiciary and security apparatus in Oyo State that determined arrested Oyo State survivors innocent and set them free. According to insiders, Muhammadu Buhari and his team of arrogant Fulani honchos were so incensed that they stormed out of the meeting, rejected  the offered courtesy light refreshment and went back to Kaduna. They were described as "they came in angry and left bewildered" because Lam Adesina did not cower down to them. 

Icheoku posthumously commends Lam Adesina for standing tall at the hour of great need in defense of what is right. Icheoku also condemns the ever-angry Muhammadu Buhari for being so angry to storm out of his host governor and  for declining a good faith light refreshment invite. Icheoku says this should be the guiding template for every Southern and Middle Belt governor in the current standoff with these wandering vagrants Fulani invaders, whose pastime is the wastage of human lives and agricultural endeavors. Enough of these uncircumcised mullahs parading themselves as lords of manor in Nigeria. 

Like Lam Adesina rightly articulated, those Northern elites should stop exploiting their illiterate nomads; and instead, educate them on the proper ethics of living together in a civilized society. They should also work hard to enthrone peace in Nigeria and stop thinking that they are untouchables, whose wish must alway be forced on the rest of other Nigerians. Nigeria belongs to all the people currently within its geographical estate; and until something happens to dilute  the arrangement, every Nigerian must feel and remain equal while freely living together without undue pressure from anyone including these Fulanis of Nigeria. 

Summarizing, Lam Adesina informed Buhari that Northern Fulani should guard their utterances; make effort at unity; educate their nomads to stop their vandalism of farms and livelihoods of others; stop their wanton killings of other Nigerians; stop carrying dangerous weapons and then of course be tutored well on living together in a civilized manner. Icheoku says the whole truth and nothing but the truth; or is any of these stipulations too big a thing to ask for? Now Nigerians know who is instigating and causing all these Fulani cattle rearers terrorism in Nigeria. 

Icheoku says only the truth shall save us all in Nigeria and Lam Adesina spoke the truth when he read the riot act to Muhammadu Buhari and his team of Fulanis. But will the Fulanis do some introspection and understand that they are the reason for all the troubles in Nigeria with other Nigerians. They plan and carry out all coups in Nigeria and they are steeped in disrupting governments in Nigeria too. Their nomads also cause all these cattle problems in Nigeria resulting in damaged agricultural livelihood as well as loss of human lives too. Icheoku reiterates that baring their change of attitude, the only option left for other victimized Nigerians might be to confront them and forcefully stop this their continuing nuisance.  Enough of this their mindset that drives their obstinacy or that makes them believe that they can visit on others what they will not tolerate or allow or is  tenable within their own enclave of Northwestern Nigeria. 

At worst, they should rear their cattle in their Northwest region. But they still sell those cows to the same people whose pasture and agricultural crops feed their cows insatiable appetite. Then you ask yourself what does Southerners benefit from this parasitic relationship? These Fulanis bring their cows to the South to raise them; their cows feed off Southern agricultural farmlands and cash crops; and they still turn around to sell these cows at very exorbitant prices to the same Southerners. So query, what is the return of investment for all these Fulani inconveniences to Southerners one would ask? Icheoku asks were Southerners to be lion rearers, would these Fulanis allow them to bring their lions to the North to feed on their cows? It simply does not make sense, never made sense and it is about time the South stood up to these Northerners and demand respectability. It is either we learn to live together as civilized people or let those who still want to hold unto their century old way of life to remain in their caves and leave others alone. 

POINTING THE WAY FORWARD AMERICA, VOTE FOR TRUMP

Icheoku says he is the one; the only one who will indeed truly make America great. Unlike the rest of other politicians, he has not sold his soul to the devil and will deliver on his promises. VOTE TRUMP.

'THIS IS OUR CHANCE' - A NOVEL BY JAMES ENE HENSHAW, REVISITED?

"Oba Erediauwa, a majestic elemental spirit. You cannot gloss over the fact that Omo N’ Oba Erediauwa,Oba of Benin, was a man of impeccable and unimpeachable integrity with the resilience of a royal salamander. In him, you find a coruscating display of that apothegm which holds that noblesse oblige. The sui generis quintessential quality of his came under bold relief, especially during the locust and Philistine years of the military militocracy. He was practically the only triton among the minnows of royal hierarchs that resisted and stood up to the military rascality and apacheism that characterized the Abacha era. He stood at all times with the people eyeballing political and military demagogues and damning their treacherous hooey and blarneys. 

It will not be erroneous and superfluous, therefore, to pontificate that his integrity was altruistically integrious if you permit me that neologism. A man steeped in tradition Omo N’ Oba Erediauwa, Oba of Benin was a cornucopious emblematization of the rich heritage of the Benin culture, both in his modus vivendi and modus operandi. He left no one in doubt that he was the spiritual and traditional agglutinating anodyne that offers a centripetal canopy for the Benin ethnic nationality into one harmonious and synchronized armada. 

Of particular interest to me was how he was able to bring this about, especially against the backdrop of modernism and attenuating cum corrosive forces of religious petulancy and perfervidism. It is in his cosmopolitan and cerebral mien that is situated the Aladdin’s lamp that gave him the enablement in striking a delicate equipoise and hence at a meeting of the ‘Benin Anglican Dioscesan Synod on June 3, 1980, the revered monarch posited thus …. “The conflict between traditional religion and Christian religion is not supported by scriptural teaching, but must Christian religion condemn and push out the traditional? Must traditional worship and Christian worship not be seen as complimentary”? Such was his philosophical zest, intellectual cosmopolitanism, sangfroid predilection and well-honed skills in high-wired diplomacy, which placed him in good stead, especially at feisty moments. 

Cerebral alertness and universal personality One of the qualities even a casual visitor that came before the royal presence of Omo N’Oba, Oba of Benin cannot fail to recognize was his lavish avuncular affection towards all his visitors. He was always ready to make you feel at home, irrespective of real or imagined social stratification. He was at his best crystallizing a rare display of Solomonic wisdom and regal mannerisms in regaling his numerous visitors with anecdotes interspersed with didactic witticisms   and it was at such privileged moments you also had the opportunity to admire his intellectual alertness and global persona." –  Hon Patrick Obahiagbon, eulogizing the departed Oba of Benin. Omo N'Oba N'Edo Ukwu Akpolokpolo Erediauwa 1.

NIGERIA'S NOMADIC CONFLICT, DEADLIER THAN BOKO HARAM - MARK AMAZA

For the past six years, the Boko Haram terrorist group has run riot in Nigeria, carrying out fatal attacks and kidnappings across the northern part of the country. It has claimed lives of up to 20,000 people and displaced more than a million. 

But while the worst actions of Boko Haram, which have grabbed global headlines, now seem to reducing in frequency, another conflict has been going on in Nigeria for almost two decades with next to no media coverage outside the country. Pressured by the conflict between climate change, modern agricultural economics and a centuries-old tradition, it now threatens to explode into a full-scale criss.

The low-level clashes between nomadic Fulani herdsmen and farmers used to be confined to the northernmost regions of the country, but due to the increasing desertification of nomadic grazing land in those areas which are traditional cattle-rearing territories, overgrazing and lower rainfall; the nomadic herdsmen have been pushing farther and farther south in search of grass and water for their herd.

This has caused clashes with farmers whose farmlands are being destroyed in the country’s middle belt, where Nigeria’s north and south meet and is the country’s most fertile agricultural belt. 

According to SBM Intelligence, a socio-political consulting firm, there have been 389 incidents involving herdsmen and farming communities between 1997 and 2015, with 371 of these attacks happening after 2011 in the Middle Belt. It is believed many more are not reported.

These increasingly deadly clashes have started taking place more frequently in the southern states, something even Boko Haram has yet to attempt to date. There have been attacks in states including Rivers and Enugu in the southeast, and Ondo, in the southwest, where a former presidential candidate, Olu Falae was abducted from his farm by herdsmen for days. So far, it is estimated Nigeria loses about $14 billion annually to these clashes. 

In February, about 300 people were killed and a further 7,000 persons displaced in four communities in just one local government area Agatu, in the middle belt state of Benue.

Despite being overlooked by the international media for the most part in recent years, the herdsman-farmer clashes are on track to be a significant destabilizing security issue for Nigeria over the next few years. And unlike with Boko Haram which was ostensibly defined by religious boundaries, these clashes have more potential for a ripple effect within Nigeria when the sensitive issue of ethnicity is added to the mix. The herdsmen are Fulani, a predominantly Muslim ethnic group that spreads across West Africa and is the world’s largest nomadic people; the farming communities, particularly in the middle belt and south, are made up of many smaller predominantly Christian ethnic groups. It is not uncommon to hear references to the Fulani Jihad of Sheikh Othman Dan Fodio of the early 19th century and claims that the attacks are a continuation of the ancient religious military campaign.

So why has this crisis persisted for decades without any long-lasting solution to it?

For starters, the warring sides continually exploit the inability of the Nigerian government to maintain law and order as has already been seen with the early days of Boko Haram. Successive governments have been unable to end the violence whether it is by tackling either its immediate or remote causes. President Muhammadu Buhari's order for an investigation into the attack more than a week after the attack is late, but still a much better response than that of the previous administration who did not as much offer a statement when the clashes occurred in the same area last year. 

The danger in this is that both sides will continue to wage this bloody battle for supremacy in order to not just survive, but to also control the economic prize of fertile land for farming or grazing. As it stands, the firepower advantage lies with the Fulani herdsmen but it will only be a matter of time before other communities and ethnic groups try to catch up in an emerging arms race in the region, and worsen the conflict.

The conflict also highlights the prevalence of weapons in the hands of non-state actors in Nigeria. A 2009 Small Arms Survey put the number of illegal small arms and light weapons in Nigeria at between one million and three million, a number that is bound to be an underestimate as it was before the start of the Boko Haram insurgency, which has increased the number of weapons in circulation.

The flow of arms within the West African sub-region increased after the fall of Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddhafi and the disintegration of the Libyan government, worsening conflicts in the region from Boko Haram in Nigeria to Tuareg rebels and Islamist groups in Mali and other parts of the Sahel. It is not inconceivable that these arms also flowed into the hands of ethnic militias like the Fulani herdsmen, in addition to arms smuggled into the country through the ports.

Ultimately, these conflicts have also persisted because of refusal by the herdsmen to embrace ranching for their animals, citing cultural reasons for sticking to nomadic rearing. This is despite some research showing ranching results in better meat products and hides and skin, provides easier access to agricultural extension and veterinary services and will bring in more income to the herders. 

However, there has been some shift amongst some of the herdsmen who are now leading a campaign for the establishment of grazing reserves in every state in Nigeria and for a federal commission to maintain them.This is already sparking off opposition from states that traditionally do not play host to Fulani herdsmen.

It is very likely that Nigeria will witness more clashes between herdsmen and farmers, just this week 40 people were killed in the Southeastern State of Enugu by suspected herdsman who also burned down a local Catholic church. When the extra factors of religion and ethnicity are factored in, it represents a serious risk of escalation.

The more these attacks happen without security agencies able to stop the attackers, the risks of the people self-arming to protect themselves or even carrying out a reprisal attack on people who have similar ethnic and religious affiliations as the herdsmen becomes increasingly likely. Such a reprisal attack will likely set off another reprisal attack and it will be an endless cycle of violence.

It is urgent that in the short-term, security agencies work to prevent further attacks especially in the rural areas which is largely un-policed, apprehend and prosecute those behind these attacks. In the long-term, the issue of grazing routes and nomadic rearing is addressed sufficiently. 

Seemingly, only a transition to ranching by cattle rearers will bring an end to these conflicts which is rapidly escalating into a crisis.

WOLE SOYINKA, THE DILEMMA OF A SAINT - REMI OYEYEMI

In the days leading to the nomination of retired General Mohammadu Buhari as the presidential candidate of the All Progressive Congress (APC), many Nigerians had a lot of misgivings about his candidacy based upon the records of the lanky looking born again politician. General Buhari is so described because he once toppled a democratically elected government in December 1983. It could be debated whether the overthrow is deserved or not, but that is what the record shows. The post nomination of retired General Buhari as the flag bearer of the APC witnessed never before told corralling of all and sundry to his corner. 

All the supposedly independent watchdog groups who ought to have remained neutral were in the corner of the APC and the then candidate Buhari. Revisionists took over to confuse the memories of those who lived through the tragedy of Buhari’s first coming in 1984/1985. Sons were made to denounce their fathers and daughters were forced to reject their mothers to be able to support candidate Buhari. Friends denied each other to be able to support Buhari. Wives fought their husbands to a standstill while husbands threatened their wives with second wives or divorce just to get on Buhari train.

Even, some scions of eminently persecuted politicians during the Buhari’s first coming deodorized the experiences of their fathers in jail and raked up excuses to be able to support the candidacy of Buhari.  Many men of principle were forced to compromise their principles. Those who had misgivings were caged in to abandon their good sense of judgments. Those who hesitated were lured with lucre. Cautions were thrown to the curb. Myths were manufactured to inflate the image of candidate Buhari. In that electoral war, truth, reason and caution became casualties. 

One of the victims of this sordid experience was our dearly beloved Kongi, Professor Wole Soyinka. Professor Soyinka has always represented the voice of the voiceless in Nigeria. He has always been the voice of reason. He has consistently for more than five decades represent the voice of wisdom. He has incorrigibly stood for reason in the midst of confusion. He had brought clarity when things became foggy. He advocated for fairness when it was lacking. He championed the course of justice when only very few had the courage to do so. He was one of the original Three Musketeers that comprised late Tai Solarin and Gani Fawehinmi. For his beliefs, Professor Soyinka went to jail just like these other moral icons of our society. 

The NADECO struggle against the General Sanni Abacha junta and June 12 battles caused the path of Professor Soyinka to cross that of some politicians. Some of these politicians were sincere fighters for democracy. Some of them were opportunists looking for ways to take advantage of the situation. But Kongi was friendly to all. It was a friendship that was later to be cemented by the Presidency of Anambra State born Olusegun Obasanjo-Onyejekwe who went about like a bull in the china shop breaking everything in sight. There were public face offs between Kongi and Obasanjo – Onyejekwe. 

While the face – off lasted, some opportunist politicians who wanted to be seen as populist took sides with Kongi and gained his confidence. They courted him and brought him into their fold using him to legitimize themselves while they committed egregious crimes against the people. The fact that they were opposing Obasanjo – Onyejekwe deprived these opportunistic politicians the necessary klieg light to interrogate their stewardship. Even, the devil, if he had come around to fight Obasanjo – Onyejekwe at that point in time would have found some followers. 

But in the course of his friendship with the politicians, Professor Soyinka has been a little careless. He has brought into his relationship with them, TRUST, a commodity that politicians don’t value. As a result of his trusting his politician friends, he had allowed himself to be embarrassed on few occasions. He had allowed himself to be muddled in and with the mud by his politician friends. He had allowed them to stain his white garment of honour on several occasions. He had allowed them to put dents in the hard earned armour of his reputation. We do not need to go over the instances when this had occurred. 

But the most damaging in his relationship with his politician friends was his endorsement of the candidacy of Buhari. On the day of that endorsement, it was clear that Kongi was not himself. He appeared bereaved. He was tepid, hesitant and halfhearted. He seemed forlorn, jaded and sad. He was not his bright and electrifying self. Even, his statement on this occasion elucidated the fact that this was not our own WS. He was someone else on that day. He was chilly, cold and cool. He was frigid, frosty and icy. His facial construct was distant, apathetic and solitary. 

It was clear that Professor Soyinka was filled with a sort of premonition that he was making a serious mistake by endorsing Buhari. His attitude conveyed the impression that he was coerced. His reluctance to endorse was more than palpable. It was clear that someone had probably threatened him that he either endorse or else? It was evident that the constitution of Kongi was in active rebellion against that act of endorsement. His spirit was certainly in revolt and revulsion. Professor Soyinka was engaged in a seditious act against his own conscience. He was in mutiny against his own well considered personal counseling. It was an insurgency against everything that was WS. 

This dilemma would be better understood when juxtaposed against the background of Kongi’s earlier positions on candidate Buhari. It was like Kongi was made to lick up his vomits. Professor Soyinka had excoriated Buhari on human rights abuses during his first coming. He had expressed anger that Buhari was yet to be held accountable for his several sins. He had spoke about History as a guide to making judgment about the future. He had been vehement in opposing Buhari candidacy the first three times insisting that he (Buhari) be held accountable for his transgressions against Nigerians and Nigeria. 

Professor Soyinka had been very public and unapologetic about his stance on Buhari. He was convinced that Buhari was almost satanic if not luciferic. Anytime any issue relating to Buhari was raised, he instantaneously gets into a combative mood, becomes adversarial and antagonistic. He left anyone and everyone with no doubt that he detested Buhari, not as a person but for what he did to Nigeria and Nigerians during the dark years of 1984 and 1985. He was in always in his right elements every time he had to look back and review the psychological attack engaged in by Buhari against the dignity and self respect of Nigerians during his first coming. 

So, to now get him to endorse Buhari was a seismic shift. It was clearly an embarrassment he could not avoid. He was being loyal to his politician friends who have no shame; no respect for integrity; no qualms about lying; no scruples whatsoever; and above all no conscience. Yet, the values that have come to define our own WS include integrity, moral high ground, respect for truth, a life guided by conscience and principle. They are the values that have sold him to not just Nigerians but to the world. They are the kernels of what make our own WS thick. His Nobel prize for Literature only serves to further elucidate and attest to his originality, authenticity and integrity, as an academic and as a conscience of the nation. 

In the last year since President Buhari has been in the office, Professor Soyinka had been silent. He had been quiet, mostly. But few days ago, he had to say something about the menace of the Fulani herdsmen. He disclosed that his home had been invaded by them and called on Buhari to do something about the terrors being perpetuated by his Fulani kinsmen. Some are suggesting that Kongi has found his voice. Other are not so sure yet. Some believe that Kongi is mindful of his politician friends and would not want to offend them. 

That our own WS has called out President Buhari on his inaction on the menace of the Fulani herdsmen and the trail of tragedy they are leaving across Nigeria is very interesting. It is very interesting because his politician friends mainly in the Southwest are silent and cold towards the plight of their peoples. His APC friends were quiet while people were burnt alive in Ketu, Lagos. They have nothing to say to the countless farmers in their domain who have been murdered and or have their farms destroyed by the Fulani herdsmen. 

Since the fortunes of Nigerians turned sour under the Presidency of Buhari, every concerned citizen was waiting to hear from Professor Soyinka. The civil groups have been nowhere to be found either. Barrister Femi Falana has been lost to the politicians. The voiceless have become more voiceless. The poor people have been abandoned. The people they voted for have shown they do not care about them. All the governors are nowhere to be found. The Asiwaju has refused to be in the front of the struggle. 

But will Soyinka find his voice again? Will he be able to resolve the dilemma of his loyalty? Is he going to remain loyal to his dishonest politician friends and continue to keep quiet on Buhari’s travesty of an administration? Or will he revert back to being the conscience of the nation and the voice of the voiceless? Will he be able to remove the stains on his sainthood? Does he still have the will and the energy? Time will tell. “In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility – I welcome it.” – John F. Kennedy, in his Inaugural Address January 20, 1961

INDIANA END THE CONSPIRACY, HELP PUSH TRUMP ACROSS THE FINISH LINE. VOTE FOR TRUMP.

Icheoku says the State of Indiana has a pivotal role to play in the ongoing Republican Party presidential primaries. The Hoosier State can end all the gang ups and conspiracies to stop Donald Trump by simply voting for Donald Trump and thus make history as the state that ensured Donald Trump irrevocably secures the presidential nomination. Icheoku says Indiana, make history, on Tuesday, May 3, 2016, VOTE FOR DONALD TRUMP and together lets make America great again. Go Trump; Vote Trump.

GRAZING RIGHTS CANNOT TROUNCE RIGHTS TO LIFE - AJIMOBI.

“This is the time to call a spade a spade. Those clamouring for creation of grazing zones across the country should have a rethink. It is against the Land Use Act; it is against the law of natural justice to seize people’s land to cater for someone’s cattle. 

Grazing zones could be created for those who are traditional cattle rearers in their areas. I’m not against that, but you cannot come here and tell me you want to occupy our land for grazing zones. The land exists in our respective states and as such, the rightful owners should decide what to do with them. 

Anybody outside this zone willing to rear cattle here will need to approach the state to buy the land and we offer what is available with rules. There is no free land for grazing zones. We need to take this firm position. It won’t happen.” - Governor Ajimobi of Oyo State.

Icheoku agrees with Governor Ajimobi and says the whole truth and nothing but the truth. If it were them, they will not tolerate such disruption of life and activities in their respective states. The Hausa/Fulanis of Nigeria are forcing down the throats of other Nigerians what they will not take themselves. 

TED CRUZ IS A LIVING LUCIFER - JOHN BOEHNER.

Icheoku says now Americans know why Lyin' Ted is not loved by anyone member of the United States Congress. In John Boehner's own statement, he said "I have Democrat friends and Republican friends. I get along with everyone, but I have never worked with a more miserable son of a bitch in my life than Ted Cruz." Icheoku says no wonder Lyin' Ted is an island in matters of friendship. GO Trump; Vote Trump.

THE FULANI CATTLE REARER, THAT YOU MAY KNOW THEM - YUSUF MAITAMA SULE.

"The philosophy of the herdsman, you may have ob­served and may have seen is that the Fulani herdsman is always in front of his cows, leading them. He is not behind them driving them from be­hind. He is in front leading his cattle. The Fulani herdsman hangs a stick over his shoulders. That stick is not for beating them. It is for guarding his cattle. That Fulani herdsman can make his cattle do everything he wants them to do. While he is leading them in front, if he stops anywhere, they all would stop. If he should jump into the water, they all would jump into the water. If he starts running, all of them would run af­ter him. He names all of his cattle. If he calls any one of his cattle by their name, they would come to him. It would leave the herd and come to him.

“In those days when there was the cattle tax, the Jangali, and if the tax man came to count the cattle in his herds, if he did not want his cattle to be counted, he would whistle or make a tune and the cows would all disperse into the forest.

“After the tax man had gone, he would make another whistle and they would all come back to him. During the rainstorm, the herdsman would take shelter under the tree and these animals would come and chase him away from under the tree and bring him to the open and make a circle around him, protecting him. “They would not want him to sit under the tree for the fear that thunder may fall and crush their leader. Now, why do these cows behave like that? Why are they so obedient to their leader? The herdsman has sacrificed his life for his cattle, he has sacrificed his leisure for his cattle; he has sacrificed his health for his cattle”.

“For the herdsman never leaves his cattle. He would sleep with the cows in the forest. If any one of them sleeps in the middle of the night, he would go out and get his herbs and leaves and treat this cow. If in the middle of the night he hears the cry of a leopard try­ing to take away a single calf, he would rather die than allow that wild animal to take away his calf.”

AMERICA FIRST POLICY DIRECTION, NOTHING WRONG WITH THAT.

Icheoku says the new prince of American politics and the man who will be POTUS 45th, Republican Party's front presidential frontrunner, Donald Trump, delivered a well thought out policy direction of his soon to be government. Donald Trump said and Icheoku agrees that self preservation is the best remedy and Americans are in unison that charity begins from home. Go Trump; Vote Trump and together lets make America great again. Icheoku says America First policy direction, there is nothing wrong with that.

DONALD TRUMP ROUTS LYIN' TED, FIVE TO NOTHING.

Icheoku says thank you Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Delaware and Maryland for coming through for Trump. Speaking of sweeping in the primaries and it is now onward march to the White House and together, lets help DT make America great again. Go Trump; Vote Trump.

FULANI CATTLE REARING TERRORISTS, WE WILL MATCH FORCE FOR FORCE - ARCHBISHOP CHUKWUMA.

“What happened in Nimbo community of Uzo-Uwani cannot be tolerated and so we are calling on the Federal Government to declare a state of emergency on the Hausa Fulani’s in the East because these are now Boko Haram in Igboland which cannot be tolerated. 

“The lives being lost over the menace of Fulani herdsmen can no longer be tolerated; so we are condemning this act and saying that enough is enough! Failure to stop this menace in the South East will result to our mobilizing our youths, including MASSOB, and other Biafra agitators to go after the Fulani’s in the South East. 

“We are going to ban the movement of cows from the North to the South East; we will ban and we will make sure that no Fulani person operates here with his cow. Mr. President must do something about this; we will not allow this to escalate in the East and as a church leader, on behalf of other leaders, I am saying that we will match force for force. I will declare serious war against the Fulani in Igboland.”  - Archbishop  of Enugu Anglican Diocese, Most Reverend Chukwuma. 

ICHEOkU says this Archbishop speaks for ICHEOKU as well as millions of other right-thinking Ndigbo who will not hesitate to take up arms to forcefully stop this madness. Fire for fire is the answer and no nation survives two civil wars. ENOUGH.

TED CRUZ AND JOHN KASICH TAG TEAM FROM HELL, TOO LITTLE TOO LATE.

Icheoku when every thing so far thrown at Donald Trump to derail or stop the Trump Movement has failed, the Republican establishment and their preferred minions, Ted Cruz and John Kasich, are now being used as the last kitchen sink for 'a now or never' helluva wrench.  Icheoku says too little too late as the train has since left the station and trying to make it stop now or bring it back to station is an effort in futility. 

A case of dogs in the manger, knowing fully well that the door to the nomination has been securely shut at their faces, now they want to stop another from getting in and taking his trophy? Anyway they are colluding in vain as Donald Trump is God's anointed one this 2016 to lead America out of its current depression in everything and everywhere; and like the good Lord said, "touch not my anointed." Icheoku agrees with Donald Trump that John Katich and Ted Cruz are simply pathetic, thinking that their latest lame alliance stands a chance in hell of triggering an earthquake that will convulse the Trump Movement. Anyway desperate times calls for desperate measures and these desperadoes are so full of it. Now a Lyin' Ted and a Colluding Kasich are partners in conspiracy. 

Icheoku says like with every other past efforts by the establishment to hold unto power by stopping Trump, this latest effort to use a tag team of two losers will also fail and woefully too. Donald Trump is a chosen one, THE ONE, and no weapons of the enemies fashioned against him shall prosper. Icheoku once again call on all right-thinking Americans to read the handwriting on the wall and ask why all these attempts to stop The Donald; what is the beef. But the answer is as clear as daylight - his promise to make America great again and build that wall and have Mexico pay for it is roiling feathers of all those haters who prefer to maintain the status-quo. Power fights back and now power is really fighting back and shamelessly so. Go Donald and together lets help you make America great again. VOTE TRUMP.

CHARLES KOCH ENDORSES HILLARY CLINTON?

Icheoku says not at all surprised that this endorsement of Hillary Clinton is coming from one of the Koch brothers.  By so doing, Charles Koch has affirmed that the Hillary Clinton who is now campaigning, is different from the Hillary Clinton that delivers speeches behind closed doors to Wall Street donors. According to Charles Koch, her actions will certainly be different from her campaign rhetorics; and thus made her purchasable and deliverable to special interest groups. In his own words, Charles Koch said "we have to believe her actions would be quite different than her rhetoric." Icheoku says another evidence that Hillary Clinton is in bed with special interests including the Koch Brothers.

DONALD TRUMP, HOW IT ALL BEGAN - HABERMAN AND BURN

Donald Trump arrived at the White House Correspondents’ Association Dinner in April 2011, reveling in the moment as he mingled with the political luminaries who gathered at the Washington Hilton. He made his way to his seat beside his host, Lally Weymouth, the journalist and socialite daughter of Katharine Graham, longtime publisher of The Washington Post. A short while later, the humiliation started.

The annual dinner features a lighthearted speech from the president; that year, President Obama chose Mr. Trump, then flirting with his own presidential bid, as a punch line. He lampooned Mr. Trump’s gaudy taste in décor. He ridiculed his fixation on false rumors that the president had been born in Kenya. He belittled his reality show, “The Celebrity Apprentice.” Mr. Trump at first offered a drawn smile, then a game wave of the hand. But as the president’s mocking of him continued and people at other tables craned their necks to gauge his reaction, Mr. Trump hunched forward with a frozen grimace. After the dinner ended, Mr. Trump quickly left, appearing bruised. He was “incredibly gracious and engaged on the way in,” recalled Marcus Brauchli, then the executive editor of The Washington Post, but departed “with maximum efficiency.” 

That evening of public abasement, rather than sending Mr. Trump away, accelerated his ferocious efforts to gain stature within the political world. And it captured the degree to which Mr. Trump’s campaign is driven by a deep yearning sometimes obscured by his bluster and bragging: a desire to be taken seriously. That desire has played out over the last several years within a Republican Party that placated and indulged him, and accepted his money and support, seemingly not grasping how fervently determined he was to become a major force in American politics. In the process, the party bestowed upon Mr. Trump the kind of legitimacy that he craved, which has helped him pursue a credible bid for the presidency. 

“Everybody has a little regret there, and everybody read it wrong,” said David Keene, a former chairman of the  American Conservative Union, an activist group Mr. Trump cultivated. Of Mr. Trump’s rise, Mr. Keene said, “It’s almost comical, except it’s liable to end up with him as the nominee.” Repeatedly underestimated as a court jester or silly showman, Mr. Trump muscled his way into the Republican elite by force of will. He badgered a skittish Mitt Romney into accepting his endorsement on national television, and became a celebrity fixture at conservative gatherings. He abandoned his tightfisted inclinations and cut five- and six-figure checks in a bid for clout as a political donor. He courted conservative media leaders as deftly as he had the New York tabloids. 

At every stage, members of the Republican establishment wagered that they could go along with Mr. Trump just enough to keep him quiet or make him go away. But what party leaders viewed as generous ceremonial gestures or ego stroking of Mr. Trump — speaking spots at gatherings, meetings with prospective candidates and appearances alongside Republican heavyweights — he used to elevate his position and, eventually, to establish himself as a formidable figure for 2016. In an interview on Friday, Mr. Trump acknowledged that he had encountered many who doubted or dismissed him as a political force before now. “I realized that unless I actually ran, I wouldn’t be taken seriously,” he said. But he denied having been troubled by Mr. Obama’s derision. “I loved that dinner,” Mr. Trump said, adding, “I can handle criticism. 

Even before the correspondents’ dinner, Mr. Trump had moved to grab a bigger role in political affairs. In February, he addressed the annual Conservative Political Action Conference. Organizers gave Mr. Trump an afternoon speaking slot, and Mr. Keene perceived him as an entertaining attraction, secondary to headliners like Mitch Daniels, then the governor of Indiana. But Mr. Trump understood his role differently. Reading carefully from a prepared text, he tested the themes that would one day frame his presidential campaign: American economic decline, and the weakness and cluelessness of politicians in Washington. 

Over the next few months, Mr. Trump met quietly with Republican pollsters who tested a political message and gauged his image across the country, according to people briefed on his efforts, some of whom would speak about them only on the condition of anonymity. One pollster, Kellyanne Conway, took a survey that showed Mr. Trump’s negative ratings were sky-high, but advised him there was still an opening for him to run. Another, John McLaughlin, who had been recommended to Mr. Trump by the former Clinton adviser Dick Morris, drew up a memo that described how Mr. Trump could run as a counterpoint to Mr. Obama in 2012, and outshine Mr. Romney with his relentless antagonism of the president. 

Roger Stone, a longtime Trump adviser, wrote a column on his website envisioning a Trump candidacy steamrolling to the nomination, powered by wall-to-wall media attention. After all that preparation, Mr. Trump rejected two efforts to “draft” him set up by close advisers. If his interest in politics was growing, he was not yet prepared to abandon his career as a reality television host: In mid-May, Mr. Trump announced that he would not run and canceled a planned speech to a major Republican fund-raising dinner in Iowa. 

Having stepped back from a campaign of his own, Mr. Trump sought relevance through Mr. Romney’s. Again, Mr. Trump’s determination to seize a role for himself collided with the skepticism of those he approached: While he saw himself as an important spokesman on economic issues and a credible champion for the party, the Romney campaign viewed him as an unpredictable attention-seeker with no real political foundation. Still, given his expansive media platform — in addition to his reality-show franchise, Mr. Trump was a frequent guest on Fox News — and a fortune that he could theoretically bestow upon a campaign, Mr. Trump was drawing presidential candidates seeking his support to his Fifth Avenue high-rise. In September 2011, Mr. Romney made the trip, entering and exiting discreetly, with no cameras on hand to capture the event. 

The decision to court Mr. Trump, former Romney aides said in interviews, stemmed partly from the desire to use him for fund-raising help, but also from the conviction that it would be more dangerous to shun such an expert provocateur than to build a relationship with him and try to contain him. The test of that strategy came in January 2012, before the make-or-break Florida primary, when Mr. Trump reached out to say he wanted to endorse Mr. Romney at a Trump property in the state. Wary of such a spectacle in a crucial state, Mr. Romney’s aides began a concerted effort to relegate Mr. Trump’s endorsement to a sideshow. 

The Romney campaign conducted polling in four states that showed Mr. Trump unpopular everywhere but Nevada, and suggested to Mr. Trump that they hold an endorsement event there, far away from Florida voters. On the day he was to deliver the endorsement in Las Vegas, according to Mr. Romney’s advisers, Mr. Trump met with Romney aides and said he hoped to hold a joint news conference with Mr. Romney, raising for the campaign the terrifying possibility that Mr. Romney might end up on camera responding to reporters’ questions next to a man who had spent months questioning whether the president was an American citizen. 

In an appeal to Mr. Trump’s vanity, the Romney campaign stressed that his endorsement was so vital — with such potential to ripple in the media — that it would be a mistake to dilute the impact with a question-and-answer session. “The self-professed genius was just stupid enough to buy our ruse,” said Ryan Williams, a former spokesman for the Romney campaign. While they agreed to hold the event in a Trump hotel, the campaign put up blue curtains around the ballroom when the endorsement took place, so that Mr. Romney did not appear to be standing “in a burlesque house or one of Saddam’s palaces,” Mr. Williams said. On stage, as the cameras captured the moment, Mr. Romney seemed almost bewildered. “There are some things that you just can’t imagine happening in your life,” he told reporters as he took the podium, taking in his surroundings. “This is one of them.” 

Mr. Trump insisted in the interview that the Romney campaign had strenuously lobbied for his support, and described his own endorsement as the biggest of that year. “What they’re saying is not true,” he said. But if Mr. Trump expected a major role in the Romney campaign, he was mistaken. While Mr. Trump hosted fund-raising events for Mr. Romney, the two men never hit the campaign trail together. The campaign allowed Mr. Trump to record automated phone calls for Mr. Romney, but drew the line at his demand for a prominent speaking slot at the Republican National Convention. (Mr. Trump recorded a video to be played on the first day of the convention, but the whole day’s events were canceled because of bad weather.) 

Stuart Stevens, a senior strategist for Mr. Romney, believed that Mr. Trump had been strictly corralled. “He wanted to campaign with Mitt,” Mr. Stevens wrote in an email. “Nope. Killed. Wanted to speak at the convention. Nope. Killed.” Still, to Mr. Romney’s opponent that year, the accommodation of Mr. Trump looked egregious. Mr. Obama, in a speech on Friday, said Republicans had long treated Mr. Trump’s provocations as “a hoot” — just as long as they were directed at the president. 

Only a handful of people close to Mr. Trump understood the depth of his interest in the presidency, and the earnestness with which he eyed the 2016 campaign. Mr. Trump had struck up a friendship in 2009 with David N. Bossie, the president of the conservative group Citizens United, who met Mr. Trump through the casino magnate Steve Wynn. Mr. Trump conferred with Mr. Bossie during the 2012 election and, as 2016 approached, sought his advice on setting up a campaign structure. Mr. Bossie made recommendations for staff members to hire, and Mr. Trump embraced them. Mr. Trump also carefully cultivated relationships with conservative media outlets, reaching out to talk radio personalities and right-wing websites like Breitbart.com. 

By then, Mr. Trump had won a degree of acceptance as a Republican donor. Advised by Mr. Stone, one of his longest-serving counselors, he had abandoned his long-held practice of giving modest sums to both parties, and opened his checkbook for Republicans with unprecedented enthusiasm. Mr. Trump began a relationship with Reince Priebus, the Republican National Committee chairman, who was trying to rescue the party from debt. He gave substantial donations to "Super PACS" supporting Republican leaders on Capitol Hill. In 2014, he cut a quarter-million dollar check to the Republican Governors Association, in response to a personal entreaty from the group’s chairman — Chris Christie. Still, Mr. Trump’s intentions seemed opaque. 

In January 2015, Mr. Trump met for breakfast in Des Moines with Newt and Callista Gingrich. Having traveled to Iowa to speak at a conservative event, Mr. Trump peppered Mr. Gingrich with questions about the experience of running for president, asking about how a campaign is set up, what it is like to run and what it would cost. Mr. Gingrich said he had seen Mr. Trump until then as “a guy who is getting publicity, playing a game with the birther stuff and enjoying the limelight.” In Iowa, a different reality dawned. “That’s the first time I thought, you know, he is really thinking about running,” Mr. Gingrich said. 

On June 16, 2015, after theatrically descending on the escalator at Trump Tower, Mr. Trump announced his candidacy for president, hitting the precise themes he had laid out in the Conservative Political Action Conference speech five years earlier. “We are going to make our country great again,” Mr. Trump declared. “I will be the greatest jobs president that God ever created.” Still, rival campaigns and many in the news media did not regard him seriously, predicting that he would quickly withdraw from the race and return to his reality show. Pundits seemed unaware of the spade work he had done throughout that spring, taking a half dozen trips to early voting states of Iowa, New Hampshire and South Carolina and using forums hosted by Mr. Bossie’s group to road test a potential campaign. 

Even as he jumped to an early lead, opponents suggested that he was riding his celebrity name recognition and would quickly fade. It was only late in the fall, when Mr. Trump sustained a position of dominance in the race — delivering a familiar, nationalist message about immigration controls and trade protectionism — that his Republican rivals began to treat him as a mortal threat. Mr. Trump, by then, had gained the kind of status he had long been denied, and seemed more and more gleeful as he took in the significance of what he had achieved. “A lot of people have laughed at me over the years,” he said in a speech days before the New Hampshire primary. “Now, they’re not laughing so much.”

NIGERIA'S HERDSMEN AND FARMERS, LOCKED IN A DEADLY FORGOTTEN CONFLICT - CONOR GAFFEY

The Jihadi group Boko Haram are usually characterized as the biggest threat to Nigeria's state security and even as one of the world's deadliest militant groups. 

But in the first four months of 2016, Boko Haram have actually been responsible for less deaths—208 to be precise—than other sectarian groups in Nigeria combined, which have accounted for 438 deaths so far, according to the Council on Foreign Relations’ Nigeria Security Tracker. A huge chunk of these are down to an ongoing conflict between predominantly Fulani herdsmen and settled farming communities, which is costing the Nigerian economy billions of dollars per year as well as hundreds—if not thousands—of lives. 

The Fulani —also known as the Fula or Peul—constitute a mostly Muslim people scattered throughout West Africa but concentrated in certain places, such as northern Nigeria. Fulanis are primarily nomadic cattle herders who follow their livestock along migratory patterns. This wandering lifestyle has brought them into conflict with settled farming communities in Nigeria, who have accused the Fulani of cattle rustling, kidnapping and murder. 

Clashes between mostly Fulani herdsmen and settled communities have been concentrated in north central Nigeria, particularly the states of Benue, Plateau, Kaduna and Nassarawa. Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari ordered an inquiry into clashes between herdsmen and farmers in Benue at the end of February, which reportedly resulted in hundreds of deaths and thousands being displaced. As well as the obvious security threat, the low-level battles are draining Nigeria’s economy of resources and potential funds. A series of reports published in July 2015 by global humanitarian agency Mercy Corps found that the four problem states stood to gain up to $13.7 billion annually in total macroeconomic benefits if the conflict between herdsmen and farmers was reduced to near-zero. And the benefits are not just limited to state-level—Nigerian households affected by the ongoing clashes could expect their incomes to increase by between 64 and 210 percent were the conflicts to be resolved. 

Nigeria’s Middle Belt—where the four problem states are located—is an area of ethnic and religious diversity, where the majority Muslim north meets the largely Christian south. On top of this, the Fulani have historical rivalries with other ethnic groups in Nigeria, particularly the Hausa. Led by the religious reformer Usman dan Fodio, a Fulani army fought a four-year jihad in the predominantly Hausa states of what is now northern Nigeria, eventually triumphing and establishing the Sokoto caliphate. The caliphate was one of the most prominent African empires in the 19th century and was only abolished by the British in 1903. 

Because of this fraught geography and history, the herdsmen-farmer conflict is often characterized as ethnic or religious in nature. But this is a mischaracterization, according to Lisa Inks, one of the authors of the Mercy Corps reports. “We definitely believe that the conflicts are caused primarily by competition for scarce resources,” says Inks, citing land and water as the two major conflict drivers. According to Inks, solutions lie in supporting both parties by the establishment of grazing reserves for livestock, increasing funding for communities affected by the clashes and improving security at conflict hotspots. 

The security implications of marauding, armed Fulani herdsmen are significant for Nigeria, already struggling to contain the Boko Haram insurgency in the northeast , revived militant attacks on oil facilities in the Niger Delta and substantial pro-Biafran protests in the southeast. If taken together, casualties attributed to Fulani herdsmen in 2014 totaled 1,229, according to the Institute for Economics & Peace Global Terrorism Index 2015. It is problematic, however, to group Fulani herdsmen together into a single unit and classify them as a terrorist movement, according to Leena Koni Hoffman, Nigeria expert and associate fellow at Chatham House. Fulani herdsmen cannot be considered a terrorist group akin to Boko Haram or the Islamic State militant group (ISIS), says Hoffman, because of “the absence of a core ideology around the violence.”  

Despite the lack of an ideological basis, links between the organized militants of Boko Haram and the roaming Fulani herdsmen have been suggested before. According to Hoffman, collaboration between herdsmen and Boko Haram is unlikely in terms of formal affiliation but could take place in different types of “criminal activity,” such as cattle rustling. “There could be a link between groups who are exploiting the context of insecurity and instability [in Nigeria] to strengthen their position,” says Hoffman.  

Whether such links exist or not, the herdsmen-farmers conflict is clearly damaging Buhari’s vision of a unified Nigeria and sucking potential resources and revenues out of the country. “The farmer-herdsmen conflict is not even the most high-profile conflict in Nigeria,” says Inks, “[But] even this ongoing, relatively low-level intercommunal conflict is costing the country billions.”

PRINCE IS DEAD, REST IN PEACE.