Until President Muhammadu Buhari’s government sufficiently picks up momentum, and is revving full steam into the Eldorado many believe he is capable of midwifing, it will remain legitimate, and even defensible, for critics to conclude that his pace is deplorably slow. His party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), can defend him all they wish, and his fanatical admirers can also rhapsodise his attributes all they can, but there is little both groups can do to mollify the anxiety of the country, or to encourage those who voted for him that the votes they expended on the ageing former army general will eventually yield the expected dividends. The president may have slowed down, but as this column has said repeatedly, he still possesses the right qualities to rule: honesty, simplicity, firmness, and equity, among many others. He has an obligation to ensure that those qualities are neither misapplied nor misused.
Neither his party, however, nor his supporters can resolve the riddle of what speed is appropriate for these times. Among both his critics and the undecided, criticism of his pace, while audible, has not risen above whispers. As the weeks wear on, and the pains the people feel multiply on account of the government’s perceived inattentiveness, the whispers will rise gradually to a crescendo. If that should happen, President Buhari will no longer be able to control the momentum of the change he and his party promised, and will struggle, without any assurance of success, to stamp his will and ideas on his government, events and the country. His best bet therefore is to create, modulate and impose his authority on the vestigial momentum that accompanied electioneering. Rather than heedlessly jump to his defence, his party and his aides should let him understand these nuances.
For the about two months available to him to fine-tune his preparations for assuming the reins of power after his election as president in March, it was not clear, for instance, that he paid enough attention to compiling a list of the close advisers and aides he would ned. He has now governed for a little over a month without the full complement of advisers, let alone hint at a ministerial list, and has shown no clear direction where he wants his government headed. The people, the world and the domestic economy have been left second-guessing him. While the world can afford the luxury of waiting for as long as the situation requires, neither Nigerians nor their economy has done fairly well in anticipating him. Of the latter two, the economy, though it is the more important and adverse actions on it more consequential, is far less competent in anticipating the president. It has virtually slipped into near paralysis.
His party may be speaking to him behind closed doors, for their fate is intertwined with his, and they will sink or swim with him. But, so far, there is no proof the APC is exercising that gentle restraint and moral suasion the president’s actions and inactions desperately call for. Indeed, much more than the president, the party is itself enmeshed in a paralysis of its own finding and fouling. It has lost control of its national lawmakers, many of whom are defying it with increasing insouciance and considerable chutzpah. The party leadership itself appears rent in two, with no discernible philosophy or even a scintilla of discipline. Party members are left unattended to, as many of them file greedily and giddily behind their rebellious champions. If the party does not put a lid on its schisms, and take firm, practical and brilliant steps to curb the lurch towards chaos in their ranks, they will fritter away their hard-earned victory, a part of which has already been mortgaged to the rival Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) by errant and ambitious lawmakers and leaders.
The president has rejected blame for the crisis convulsing the party. He had at first attempted idealistically to stay above the fray, arguing that he was prepared to work with any legislative leadership, irrespective of its composition or orientation. He had also probably assumed that that leadership would be as altruistic as he had been all his public life. Now, he may apparently be waking up a little too late to discover that the altruism he read into their actions and politics were merely theoretical and chimerical. There were indications, as this piece was being written, that the president might be wading into the legislative fracas after all. Nigerians will wish him much luck in pacifying the rebels. For without a united party behind him, especially one with a definite and uplifting worldview, it is doubtful whether he can create or retain the policy conciseness and vigour necessary to remould the country along the change mantra enunciated during his party’s electioneering.
A part of the Buhari idealism that also needs to be dismantled in order to curb the confusion, lethargy and paralysis of the past few weeks is the president’s romantic notion of not wanting to hurt the legacy of former President Goodluck Jonathan. Other than a few desultory probes, including one involving the NNPC and another side bar involving the excess crude account, there is no consistent or comprehensive probe of the commanding heights of the Jonathan government. From all indications, a few more panels will be set up to look into aspects of the former government’s shortcomings, but there is no indication something grand, compelling and even cathartic will be attempted. President Buhari now has a healthy appetite for obeying the constitution, and is in addition a truly reborn democrat, as he has asserted vigorously. Surely, then, he must recognise he has an obligation, notwithstanding his campaign promises, to satisfy the longings of those who voted him into office, and who want a concise understanding of the terrible wrongs perpetrated under or by the Jonathan presidency.
The PDP wails against what its spokesmen describe pejoratively and preemptively as an APC-induced witch-hunt. The president must decry and ignore these plaintive opposition jeremiads. His first obligation is not to satisfy or mollify the opposition, but to satisfy the majority of Nigerians within the ambits of the law and the constitution. In particular, he has a responsibility to help the country understand and come to terms with what happened before he assumed office, how and why things went terribly wrong, and how so much of the country’s resources and funds were wasted or stolen. He is at liberty to determine what punishment to mete out to high-profile offenders, or even pardon them. But he must neither abridge nor eliminate the people’s need to know all the atrocities that happened in the preceding years. If the present and the future are to make any meaning, the past must be understood.
Overall, rather than be defensive, it is time President Buhari recognised that the criticisms he has received about the pace and structure of his presidency are designed to help him properly and scientifically lay the foundations for success. The confusion that enveloped his party in the National Assembly, the rather discomfiting manner the acting leadership of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) was appointed, and the even more distressing fashion the Department of State Service (DSS) leadership was changed after the unseemly struggle between the Service and the president’s Aide de Camp (ADC) at Aso Villa leave a very sour taste in the mouth. The president must put some precision into his presidency, avoid unforced errors, take charge of situations threatening to spiral out of control, and give the country firm, insightful, inspiring and proactive governance.
If his spokesmen and aides suggest that by and by, the president would get it right and pick up speed, they have not offered enough arguments why they should be taken for their word. Nigerians want to give the president time, but contemporary events do not give them the confidence that when eventually he acts at all or picks up speed, he can be trusted to satisfy the longings of those who voted him into office. It is up to him to dispel their misgivings and quieten their mistrust.
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